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home | about | courses | what is evolution | world archaeology & palaeoanthropology | north african archaeology | pseudoscience | recommended readings | reviews | links | search | contact introduction website has been operating since 07 july 1999 and (1) showcases past and current academic thinking, research projects and debates to illustrate how archaeological facts cannot speak for themselves, and (2) how research into the past can and does inform the present. education is not a consumer product. it is an attitude, a philosophy, a way of life. an institute of learning cannot be merely an information delivery system; learning is not a passive reception of knowledge. learning is about critical engagement with the materials, and about learning and interacting with your peers and other members of the requisite insitutions. the majority of those taking an archaeology degree do not intend to work directly in the profession. the main value of archaeological processes and ways of thinking are to do with the intelligent interpretation of insufficient data - something all high value enterprises are struggling with. at the bottom level - just like english, history, history of art etc - archaeology is an excellent humanities degree. it provides a general degree level education with a wide variety of transferable and general skills. no-one expects all students doing history degrees to become historians or those doing english degrees to become english teachers- in precisely the same way,most student who do archaeology degrees do not want to and never intend to become archaeologists or heritage professionals. there is a wide variety of careers - from teachers to lawyers, army officers to accountant; professionals and entrepreneurs of all kinds - that students pursue beyond archaeology. anecdotally, employees really like archaeology students as they are (generally) good at synthesising data and working across qualitative and quantitative data sets. the best introductory summary on the nature and value of archaeology was written by a former professor of mine, andrew b. smith, in 1996 and is reproduced as follows: material remains are marshalled, compared and manipulated by scholars who are active participants operating within their own social contexts to support mutually inclusive and exclusive hypotheses of past behavioural patterns. the archaeological record is malleable, although we can accept that a cattle bone is 25 mm, that a stone tool is made from a particular raw material and that rock art is concentrated in one area but not another. empirical observations and measurements therefore constrain and frame the viable hypotheses which may be adequately derived from the data sets, although questions must always be asked as to why certain criteria (observations and measurements) were applied in order to prevent a degree of bias as far as possible. lack of understanding of 'the other', however, is something much more basic and has a lot to do with how we see ourselves against different cultural groups (usually based on ignorance). 'others' are usually created through myths which are created when there is a lack of communication and/or when people fail to live up to our cultural expections. in southern africa, an excellent example can be seen in the first interface between the portuguese explorers to visit the cape in the 15th century and the local people. bartolomeu dias, the first european to sail round the southern-most tip of africa, saw khoikhoi herdsmen when he made landfall at mossel bay in february 1488. the crew of the caravel had been at sea since august the previous year and their water had to have been pretty foul by the time they reached the cape south coast even though they probably stopped at el mina in ghana to replenish their supplies . the portuguese just helped themselves to water from the spring at mossel bay. the fact that they were able to do so easily meant that there was a watering point kept open by the local herdsmen to allow their animals to drink. in african herding societies, the persons who look after the waterholes are seen as the 'owners', and use by other people requires the good manners to ask permission (and usually a gift). the portuguese did try to offer gifts but these were refused. the consequence was that the khoikhoi threw stones at the sailors from the bluff overlooking the spring, with dias retaliating by shooting one of the herdsmen dead with his crossbow. the first contact between europeans and south africans was hardly auspicious, and the portuguese should have learned a lesson. this was not the case. francisco d'almeida stopped at the cape to get water on his return to europe in 1510 after serving his term as viceroy of india. it was an attempt to force the local khoikhoi to trade their cattle by kidnapping some children that caused the anger of the local people this time. they retaliated by killing d'almeida and many of the young nobles who were with him. the khoikhoi thus gained a reputation of being fierce and warlike which caused the portuguese to avoid the cape like the plague. it was not until james lancaster dropped anchor at table bay in 1591 that good relations were made between europeans and the khoikhoi. thus, a combination of arrogance and bad manners based on ignorance created the conditions for strife and the beginnings of the myths of the khoikhoi who ultimately became denigrated as some of the lowest human beings on earth. a different perspective of 'the other' can be seen in the use of names among the aboriginal people of the cape. the khoikhoi (meaning 'men of men' or the 'real people') used this collective name for themselves. what this implied was that only people like themselves with cattle could be regarded as being real men. the 'other' in this case were the sonqua (soaqua=san or bushmen), stockless people who stole from the khoikhoi. the bushmen had no collective name for themselves; the name san was thus a pejorative, a way of diminishing their status in the eyes of the khoikhoi. the 'other' as savages it is a common phenomenon that there are usually people on the periphery of the elite groups who are usually culturally different and separate. because they are of low social status, they are either ignored, or seen as 'other' ('not us') and in consequence are usually looked down upon. the irony is that such people, who are often hunters or iron-workers in africa, perform important functions for the larger social network. when the europeans first contacted the khoikhoi at the cape they had to negotiate with them as equals for their cattle. very quickly, however, the inability of the khoi to withstand the power of merchant capital placed them in an inferior position, to such an extent that they became synonymous with 'savages' in the european mind. what does all this have to do with archaeology? just this: almost all archaeologists working in the field of african prehistory are western european/north american trained. this means they, just like the first european travellers, look at people they study in the past from their own cultural perspective. more important, this perspective means that any description of the past tends to be in a european 'scientific' framework, which is only one possible vision of the past. this leads to one of the greatest difficulties in archaeology, to get into the minds of the people we are studying. all of which is compounded by the fact that only a small fraction of the range of cultural experience of past people survives in the archaeological record. if living people have difficulty understanding each other (even when they appear to speak the same language), how much more fraught with problems will be archaeological interpretation. different versions of the past since each of us has different backgrounds, this will 'colour' how we see things in the present and our experience with the past. for example, people with an african rural heritage will probably have di

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Domain Name: ANTIQUITYOFMAN.COM
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